DITHERING WHILE ATLANTA BURNS

Bob Corker, Republican senator from Tennessee, wrote an Op-Ed in the New York Times advocating American intervention in the Syrian civil war. The following is almost a word-for-word transcription of Corker’s Op-Ed – as though written by a British Member of Parliament during the American Civil War.

New York Times                     December 3, 1864

Dithering While Atlanta Burns

By BEN DISRAELI (as penned by Bob Corker and re-written by Jeff Barnett)

LONDON - As America slips further into civil war and chaos, Great Britain is acting hesitantly at a pivotal moment for our national interests and for those of our colonies in the region.

It appears that President Jefferson Davis’ fall is inevitable, but the question is how long it will take and how much suffering and bloodshed will occur before it happens. Civilian casualties in Vicksburg and Atlanta were horrendous, as are reports of looting and destruction by Union General Sherman’s March to the Sea. Even if the Union prevails in battle, there is a looming second war to follow. As a result of civil war, Northerners and Southerners will remain mortal enemies for generations, as will Blacks and Whites in the South.

In both practical and moral terms, no one’s interests will be served by a chaotic collapse of civil government in the Confederacy, the empowerment of violent extremist groups bent on revenge, and the sectarian reprisals that will surly follow Mr. Davis’ fall. Great Britain must therefore prepare to make new investments and commitments to avoid an even deeper catastrophe.

British leadership, including providing arms and training to moderate forces, are likely to be the only things that can tip the balance, halt further bloodshed and end the depression that the loss of Southern cotton has meant for English jobs.

Yet, Her Majesty’s Government has been indecisive, neither fully “in” nor “out,” as radicals and militants are rapidly becoming a more influential force inside America. Furthermore, if allegations of Union use of biological weapons, such a plague-infested cow carcasses — a “red line” that Prime Minister Viscount Palmerston has said Washington must not cross — prove true, it will force Downing Street and Parliament to decide about expanding our involvement there.

Viscount Palmerston and his cabinet face difficult decisions about the American Civil War. He should work closely with Parliament in devising his strategy and not deploy any military forces without Parliament’s consent. Like the Prime Minister, I am reluctant to commit Great Britain as an active participant in a complex and distant war and do not support the deployment of Imperial forces to either topple or defend Mr. Jefferson Davis. But the time for “leading from behind” is over.

First, Great Britain must act to affect the balance of power on the ground, shifting momentum away from racist Southern rebels and Northern Radical Republicans bent on revenge. Britain should help more moderate elements that we hope can lead a re-unified America after Mr. Davis’ fall.

Unfortunately, the moderate elements we must support are not the most formidable or the most cohesive of the forces fighting in America.

We must use English resources and ingenuity to help change that — beyond the “nonlethal assistance” we currently provide. This will require weapons and training for internal stability forces (such as police) in the Confederacy. Our assistance should improve leadership skills, and the cohesiveness of military and civilian institutions. We should not be engaged in nation building, but we can certainly support Americans committed to stabilizing and rebuilding their country.

By more fully engaging moderate forces in the South and training them to respect the law of armed conflict, protect critical infrastructure and secure dangerous weapons, England can make a down payment on America’s future by building relationships with post-Civil War partners.

In addition, Great Britain must take the lead in building an international consensus on what the post-war government of America will look like. We can be under no illusions: this will be very difficult and will require that we secure significant changes in policy from Mexico and other countries in the region.

Establishing common cause between freed Negroes and hard-line White Southerners — parties that are currently at war with one another — against radical Republicans bent on revenge, allied with fearful Irish in Northern slums, will be central to building America’s post-Civil War government. White Southerners are largely clinging to Mr. Davis’ regime for fear that a Union victory will lead to violence against them and the destruction of their slave-based economy. They fear increasingly bitter oppression by Southern Blacks allied with Northern Republicans.

Foreign leaders, such as the Russian Czar Alexander, France’s Napoleon III, China’s Emperor Tongzhi and the Sultan in Constantinople share Britain’s concerns about the post-Civil War growth of American power. There is legitimate fear that America will become a safe haven for anti-colonial extremists. We should take that concern seriously while at the same time insisting on sending aid to moderate groups. This could be the basis for a new understanding with Moscow, Paris, Peiping and Constantinople through a shared approach toward Washington and Richmond.

Only England can convince Mr. Davis that he must step aside, which is an essential first step toward a negotiated solution, and only England is in a position to persuade the Friends of the Confederacy to isolate extremists and bring both sides to the negotiating table.

The Crown must also be more aggressive in stopping French support through Mexico for Mr. Davis. Likewise, public and private sources of support for anti-Confederate extremists in America should be publicized and targeted with sanctions. Other countries opposed to Mr. Davis, including our colonies such as Canada, must also be much more selective about who they arm and support in the American Civil War.

They must recognize that it is in their interests, as well as America’s, to build a moderate White-Black alliance of the center to oppose anyone bent on revenge, whether they are Northern radicals, freed slaves or Southern diehards.

Changing the dynamics of the conflict in the short term will help preserve and rebuild a stable America over the long term.

Foreign Secretary Earl Russell’s recent trip to Washington reflects this view and is a welcome step. But ending the violence in America will require Great Britain to play an even greater role, and it will force both us and our partners to make difficult decisions. The consequences of our continued collective failure are unthinkable, and grow more serious every day.

Benjamin Disraeli represents Buckinghamshire in Parliament. He is a leading member of the Conservative Party and former Chancellor of the Exchequer.