Bob Corker, Republican senator
from Tennessee, wrote an Op-Ed in the New York Times advocating American
intervention in the Syrian civil war. The following is almost a word-for-word
transcription of Corker’s Op-Ed – as though written by a British Member of
Parliament during the American Civil War.
New York Times December 3, 1864
Dithering While Atlanta Burns
By BEN DISRAELI (as penned by Bob Corker and re-written by Jeff
Barnett)
LONDON - As America slips further into civil
war and chaos, Great Britain is acting hesitantly at a pivotal moment for our
national interests and for those of our colonies in the region.
It appears that President Jefferson Davis’
fall is inevitable, but the question is how long it will take and how much
suffering and bloodshed will occur before it
happens. Civilian casualties in Vicksburg and Atlanta were horrendous, as are
reports of looting and destruction by Union General Sherman’s March to the Sea.
Even if the Union prevails in battle, there is a looming second war to follow. As
a result of civil war, Northerners and Southerners will remain mortal enemies
for generations, as will Blacks and Whites in the South.
In both practical and moral terms, no one’s interests will be
served by a chaotic collapse of civil government in the Confederacy, the
empowerment of violent extremist groups bent on revenge, and the sectarian
reprisals that will surly follow Mr. Davis’ fall. Great Britain must therefore
prepare to make new investments and commitments to avoid an even deeper
catastrophe.
British leadership, including providing arms and training to
moderate forces, are likely to be the only things that can tip the balance, halt
further bloodshed and end the depression that the loss of Southern cotton has
meant for English jobs.
Yet, Her Majesty’s Government has been indecisive, neither fully
“in” nor “out,” as radicals and militants are rapidly becoming a more influential
force inside America. Furthermore, if allegations of Union use of biological
weapons, such a plague-infested cow carcasses — a “red line” that Prime
Minister Viscount Palmerston has said Washington must not cross — prove true,
it will force Downing Street and Parliament to decide about expanding our
involvement there.
Viscount Palmerston and his cabinet face difficult decisions about
the American Civil War. He should work closely with Parliament in devising his
strategy and not deploy any military forces without Parliament’s consent. Like
the Prime Minister, I am reluctant to commit Great Britain as an active
participant in a complex and distant war and do not support the deployment of Imperial
forces to either topple or defend Mr. Jefferson Davis. But the time for
“leading from behind” is over.
First, Great Britain must act to affect the balance of power on
the ground, shifting momentum away from racist Southern rebels and Northern Radical
Republicans bent on revenge. Britain should help more moderate elements that we
hope can lead a re-unified America after Mr. Davis’ fall.
Unfortunately, the moderate elements we must support are not the
most formidable or the most cohesive of the forces fighting in America.
We must use English resources and ingenuity to help change that —
beyond the “nonlethal assistance” we currently provide. This will require
weapons and training for internal stability forces (such as police) in the
Confederacy. Our assistance should improve leadership skills, and the cohesiveness
of military and civilian institutions. We should not be engaged in nation
building, but we can certainly support Americans committed to stabilizing and rebuilding
their country.
By more fully engaging moderate forces in the South and training
them to respect the law of armed conflict, protect critical infrastructure and
secure dangerous weapons, England can make a down payment on America’s future
by building relationships with post-Civil War partners.
In addition, Great Britain must take the lead in building an
international consensus on what the post-war government of America will look
like. We can be under no illusions: this will be very difficult and will
require that we secure significant changes in policy from Mexico and other
countries in the region.
Establishing common cause between freed Negroes and hard-line
White Southerners — parties that are currently at war with one another —
against radical Republicans bent on revenge, allied with fearful Irish in
Northern slums, will be central to building America’s post-Civil War
government. White Southerners are largely clinging to Mr. Davis’ regime for
fear that a Union victory will lead to violence against them and the
destruction of their slave-based economy. They fear increasingly bitter oppression
by Southern Blacks allied with Northern Republicans.
Foreign leaders, such as the Russian Czar Alexander, France’s
Napoleon III, China’s Emperor Tongzhi and the Sultan in Constantinople share
Britain’s concerns about the post-Civil War growth of American power. There is
legitimate fear that America will become a safe haven for anti-colonial extremists.
We should take that concern seriously while at the same time insisting on
sending aid to moderate groups. This could be the basis for a new understanding
with Moscow, Paris, Peiping and Constantinople through a shared approach toward
Washington and Richmond.
Only England can convince Mr. Davis that he must step aside, which
is an essential first step toward a negotiated solution, and only England is in
a position to persuade the Friends of the Confederacy to isolate extremists and
bring both sides to the negotiating table.
The Crown must also be more aggressive in stopping French support
through Mexico for Mr. Davis. Likewise, public and private sources of support
for anti-Confederate extremists in America should be publicized and targeted
with sanctions. Other countries opposed to Mr. Davis, including our colonies
such as Canada, must also be much more selective about who they arm and support
in the American Civil War.
They must recognize that it is in their interests, as well as
America’s, to build a moderate White-Black alliance of the center to oppose anyone
bent on revenge, whether they are Northern radicals, freed slaves or Southern
diehards.
Changing the dynamics of the conflict in the short term will help
preserve and rebuild a stable America over the long term.
Foreign Secretary Earl Russell’s recent trip to Washington reflects
this view and is a welcome step. But ending the violence in America will
require Great Britain to play an even greater role, and it will force both us
and our partners to make difficult decisions. The consequences of our continued
collective failure are unthinkable, and grow more serious every day.
Benjamin
Disraeli represents Buckinghamshire in Parliament. He is a leading member of
the Conservative Party and former Chancellor of the Exchequer.
